Seems to missing a little something, doesn't it? Thanks for the fix to cartoonist Rob Tornoe of the Philly Inquirer.
Some presidential logos are timeless (and priceless).
Some presidential logos are timeless (and priceless).
After a narrow and suspenseful 217-212 approval Thursday on a procedural vote, the House is scheduled today to have a series of debates and votes that could lead to passage of “fast track” trade promotion authority (TPA) for the still-secret Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and future trade agreements.
A trade bill involving sub-Saharan Africa already easily passed on Thursday. Votes on two more bills today will lead up to the big vote on fast track, which essentially preapproves the TPP.
The House on Friday will take up two critical bills already passed by the Senate. The first would offer so-called trade adjustment assistance — including job training, relocation allowances and assistance with health care costs — to workers who lose their jobs because of free trade deals. The second would grant this president and the next “trade promotion authority” — the power to negotiate international trade accords that could not be amended or filibustered by Congress.
Hours before one of the most consequential votes of President Barack Obama’s second term — whether to give him fast-track trade powers to clinch a sprawling Pacific Rim trade deal — Democrats and Republicans have no idea whether the votes are there to pass it.
What they do know is that pockets of opposition from every corner of the House of Representatives has thrown the package into serious jeopardy.
Because of possible Democratic defections, Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said the GOP whip team may have to approach some anti-TAA Republicans and ask them to vote in favor.
“I think Democrats are playing games with it right now. We’re in a situation where people are willing to cut off their nose to spite their face,” Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) , a deputy whip, told The Hill. “Liberal, pro-trade union Democrats are breaking ranks and destroying a program that they fought to create because they’re so much against TPA [trade promotion authority].”
I love the smell of oligarchy going down in flames in the afternoon. #StopTPP #StopFastTrack
— P.M. McKenzie (@pmmcken) June 12, 2015
Feeling disheartened. Saw this in a church today while at Lillian's piano recital. Perfectly legal. This is why Taylor will win: the white church goers and the black church goers are going to vote for her and they vote in the largest numbers per registered voters. I understand why Mike Villarreal won't endorse Leticia but I don't like it. Without that endorsement, she's got a hill perhaps too hard to climb.
Colin Strother called it before it started. It's looking a lot like 2005. What that means, looking back on that race, is that conservative voters will lift the second place candidate past the first place candidate in the runoff. I'm saying this from both an analytical POV and as a reminder to those supporting LVP that you cannot take this race for granted. If GOTV efforts aren't in overdrive with that campaign, the wrong people are at the helm.
After reviewing 4 days of EV I'm seeing about 11% of early voters who are e day voters coming out earlier and about 25% new voters.
The race is getting negative (which tends to suppress turnout), but it is also getting salacious (which jacks up turnout) so I'm still not settled on a final count.
[...] VdP is on the rise with a steep climb ahead. The nonendorsement from Mike may throw this thing to the bigoted candidate by 2-3 points unless folks get out and get engaged.
The husband of San Antonio mayoral candidate Leticia Van de Putte has acknowledged falling behind on federal, state and local taxes, but said he's all caught up now.
Pete Van de Putte's business, Dixie Flag Manufacturing Co., had more than $100,000 in federal and state tax liens over the past five years, and until last week he owed $13,000 in Bexar County levies that were due in January.
Even so, Pete Van de Putte doesn't believe his tax woes should ruin his wife's chances of becoming San Antonio mayor. She's battling Mayor Ivy Taylor in Saturday's runoff election.
"If we still owed, if we weren't paying it, if we never made an effort," then his tax history should be campaign fodder, Pete Van de Putte said last week.
"The only thing I can say is we're current with the IRS. Yes, we've owed them money, and yes, we've paid them," Van de Putte said.
The 5th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Tuesday that hospital-like structural requirements for Texas abortion clinics can go into effect, which will cause all but seven or eight clinics to shutter.
This was the second challenge to the state’s 2013 law that also banned abortion after 20 weeks of pregnancy, mandated physicians to have hospital admitting privileges and tightened regulations on abortion-inducing drugs.
The decision Friday ruled that Idaho’s law violates Planned Parenthood v. Casey, the 1992 Supreme Court decision that affirmed much of Roe v. Wade.
The court ruled that the law breaches Casey’s standard that restrictions cannot put an “undue burden” on the ability to get an abortion before the point of viability.
“Because [Idaho’s law] places an arbitrary time limit on when women can obtain abortions, the statute is unconstitutional,” Judge Harry Pregerson wrote in an opinion for a three-judge panel. Two were appointees of Democratic presidents and one of a Republican president.
In an opinion largely upholding Texas’ strict 2013 abortion law, three federal appeals judges disagreed that poor women face significant barriers to abortion as the number of clinics dwindles.
[...]
The panel upheld provisions of House Bill 2 that require Texas abortion clinics to meet surgical center standards and obtain hospital admitting privileges for physicians. The judges carved out one exception: the Whole Woman’s Health facility in McAllen, the last clinic in the Rio Grande Valley. In their ruling, the judges found that requiring women in McAllen to travel 235 miles to the nearest clinic in San Antonio was too burdensome. In a previous decision on House Bill 2, the Fifth Circuit established 150 miles as the standard for an undue burden. The judges did not grant the same exception to the remaining abortion provider in El Paso, arguing that women in West Texas can travel to New Mexico. (Notably, there are parts of West Texas—Presidio, for example—that are more than 150 miles from the nearest clinic, including ones in New Mexico.)
The three-judge panel dismissed a lower court finding that poor women face not only additional travel expenses, but also practical barriers such as lack of child care, the inability to take time off work and internal immigration checkpoints.
“We do not doubt that women in poverty face greater difficulties,” the opinion reads, quoting a previous Fifth Circuit decision on House Bill 2. It goes on to say that in arguing their case, providers didn’t successfully prove that the law has an impact “on at least a large fraction of women.”
Further, the judges pointed to a 1980 Supreme Court case that downplays economic barriers:
“‘The financial constraints that restrict an indigent woman’s ability to enjoy the full range of constitutionally protected freedom of choice are the product not of governmental restrictions on access to abortions, but rather of her indigency.’”
The panel also agreed that the Legislature’s intent was “to protect the health and safety of women,” not to erode abortion access, as plaintiffs argued.
Texas abortion providers have 22 days before the Fifth Circuit’s decision goes into effect. They will seek a stay from the court on its own ruling, and proceed to the Supreme Court if necessary.
Perhaps the most stunning thing about the Fifth Circuit's take on HB 2 is how the court determined whether enough women will be burdened by the law to render it unconstitutional. Under the regulations in HB 2 — which, barring some higher court order, will take effect July 1 — some 900,000 women of reproductive age will live more than 150 miles away from an abortion provider. That's one in six women of reproductive age in Texas who will have to travel more than 150 miles just to get to an abortion clinic.
[...]
Got that? According to the Fifth Circuit, nearly 1 million Texas women is not "a large fraction" of women.
"Admitting privileges" actually means that the doctor is akin to a staff member of that hospital; among other things, she has the privilege to admit a patient for a stay in the hospital without the say-so of any other doctors. The problem is that because hospitals don't want to become embroiled in abortion politics, they regularly refuse admitting privileges to doctors who perform abortions. For example, doctors at the last abortion clinic in Mississippi applied for admitting privileges to seven hospitals in the area, and were refused at every one.
So what happens if you're a woman who had an abortion and you find yourself experiencing complications, but your doctor doesn't have admitting privileges at the local hospital? Well, you go to whatever hospital you like (or, if it's a real emergency, the paramedics take you to one), and you get treated. If the doctors at the hospital need to consult with the doctor who performed your abortion, they pick up the phone and call her. Which is pretty much exactly what will happen if your doctor does have admitting privileges.
[...]
Like all abortion cases, this one will be determined entirely by the whims of Justice Anthony Kennedy, who has so much respect for women's autonomy that he once justified an abortion restriction by going on and on about how some women might later regret their choice, so it's much better to just not give them one. There's no way to tell for sure what he might do, but the question will hinge on whether the restrictions impose an "undue burden" on women seeking abortions, the standard established in a previous case. You don't have to wait 48 hours, have an ultrasound you don't want, and drive 200 miles to get yourself a vasectomy, but Kennedy may well decide that all that is not too much of a burden to impose on women who need abortions.